The option of combining the European elections with a possible extraordinary parliamentary vote will be a precedent for Bulgaria. Since our country has been part of the European Union, there has not been a similar case. In fact, not a single Eurovote was held in parallel with another national vote. But this does not prevent it from being a “scale” for the burden of a coalition government – in case of “relief”, a parliamentary vote will be scheduled, as already happened in 2014.
Then it was the results of the European elections that turned out to be decisive for the “Oresharski” cabinet. They sharply reversed the relations between the rulers and overturned the cart of power. The government of Plamen Oresharski, supported by BSP and DPS, survived only from May 13, 2013 to August 6, 2014.
His downfall occurred less than 3 months after the Euro vote, and one of the reasons was that it was on him that the DPS demonstrated its electoral weight. Despite the expectations of some sociologists that support for the movement would decrease in the EP elections, the difference was only about 10,000 votes from the parliamentary elections the year before – in May 2013 there were 400,466. On the other hand, their then coalition partner BSP reduced its electorate almost doubled – from 942,541 to 424,037. The “golden finger” in the then government – “Attack”, and in the Eurovote it collapsed to 66 thousand votes, while a year before it entered the National Assembly with 258,481. GERB were the other losers – from 1,081,605 in the parliamentary elections, their voters before the Eurovote ballot boxes fell to about 681 thousand.
3 days after the elections for European deputies in May 2014, Lyutvi Mestan, then leader of the DPS, announced that their support would be until the end of the 42nd National Assembly, “no matter how long it lives”. His first statements gave rise to interpretations that the cabinet would fall immediately, and their press office had to refute it. “The vote of the DPS voters is also a vote for the party as a supporter of the country’s governance,” they said. The electorate has not given us a mandate to call for early elections at this time, Mestan argued, promising to remain a fair partner. A few days later, DPS saved Oresharki from a vote of no confidence. But less than a week passed and Mestan “pulled the plug” on him.
“The analysis of the election results makes the full mandate of the Oresharski cabinet impossible. This is not the path to stability,” said the DPS leader and outlined 3 options for the “transition to political stability.” The first was for the cabinet to wait until autumn 2015 to hold local and parliamentary elections at the same time, and the second – a vote in a year. However, the DPS insisted on the third – 4 more months of the life of the cabinet and urgent elections. Oresharsky did not even wait for them and resigned at the end of July.
In 2019, the voting for MEPs was in the same year as the local elections. Then the mayors and municipal councilors were elected exactly 5 months after the Euro vote. And the difference in voter turnout was palpable – 49.76% in the local election and nearly 17 percent less in the European election.
The Bulgarian voter was most interested in the first vote for his representatives in Brussels and Strasbourg, whose full mandate was to come. In 2009, 37.47% went to the polls. The most underestimated by the Bulgarian voter is the opportunity to elect people for half a term upon our entry into the EU – in 2017, the turnout was not even 29%. BSP and GERB take 5 seats each, 4 are for DPS. “Ataka” broadcasts 3 times, NDSV – one.
2 years later, GERB retains the seats, the Socialists and DPS have 1 less each. The Tsarists and “Ataka” send 2 MEPs each, the “Blue Coalition” – one.
GERB is moving forward – 5 years later it already has 6 seats in the EP. The BSP are stuck at 4, as are those of the DPS. The “Reformers Bloc” gathers votes for only one, while the union between “Bulgaria without Censorship”, VMRO, ZNS and “Gerg’ovden” has two votes (one – Nikolay Barekov).
At the last European vote, GERB continued to be the largest – a 6-member Bulgarian group in the European Parliament. BSP managed, at the cost of many dramas and mobilization, to broadcast five, which happened at the expense of DPS, remaining with 3. VMRO managed to take 2 mandates, the then united “Yes, Bulgaria” and DSB – 1.